DRONES OVER THE HIDDEN WAR IN SUDAN

In the safety of the camp for refugees from the NubaMountains in Yida, across the border in the Republic of South Sudan, it took me less than 24 hours to tire of the internet I had so craved in my last two months in the mountains. On the web pages of activist colleagues working for well-known human rights organizations in America and Europe, I read the reports I and other Nuba volunteers had sent in May and June from the NubaMountains. Their analyses, based on our information, all concluded that since the start of the new war in the NubaMountains in May 2011, Russian-made Antonov bombers had never dropped more bombs than they had in the last several months. And that government MIGs had never before attacked so often and with such precision.

Eric Reeves, the analyst and advocate of Sudan, described anMIG attack on the Mother of Mercy Catholic hospital in Gidelat the beginning of May as an attempt to kill the only doctor in the NubaMountains. Since Dr. Tom Catena is an American, Washington finally had to respond too. Samantha Power, the journalist we know from the campaigns against genocide in Darfur, now US ambassador to the United Nations, requested that President Obama, who portrayed himself before his election as an activist for Darfur, should compel the Sudanese president,Omar Bashir to establish no-fly zones in the NubaMountains and Blue Nile, as well as humanitarian corridors through which humanitarian aid could finally begin to arrive to the indigenous African population under siege in these Sudanese regions.

Three years on now – and nothing has been done! Omar Bashir, charged with genocide in Darfur by the International Court, interpretsthe non-reaction of the »free, democratic world, based on human rights« as implicit permission to continue to displace indigenous Africans from areas left in the old Sudan after South Sudan became independent in July 2011. Bashir is building his Sudan on Sharia law, without any respect for ethnic and religious minorities, exactly as he said he would do before the referendum on self-determination in January 2011.

Even the French Médecins Sans Frontières, who take care of the modest hospitals in Farandala and Tujur without Bashir's permission, remained silent after the MIG attack in June. They did not agree to any interview, deciding to lie down low, as if they were guilty of something. Even Samaritan's Purse, the American protestant humanitarian organization that built more than 500 churches in the Nubamountains during the 2002 – 2011 ceasefire, did not raise their voice over the most brutal violation of basic human rights, although MIGs destroyed two of their trucks last month near Camalela. Samaritan's Purse used these trucks during the practically complete blockade of access for all humanitarian organizations to »smuggle« seeds from the South for the Nuba farmers in the mountains, so they could plant the traditional millet in the new rainy season. These two non-governmental organizations, the only ones that are covertly helping the natives (apart from one that I am not allowed to mention), are keeping their silence - as if the criminal authorities in Khartoum are right to accuse them of only spying and preparing the natives for another secession of another piece of Sudan. That is, another piece with good soil and water that the western »peace« dealers gave up to the Arabs in the North with the peace agreement of 1995, along with Darfur and Blue Nile, in order to satisfy their hunger and ensure that oil continues to flow in the pipeline through the Nuba mountains to the Red Sea and on towards China, just as the increasingly strong red dragon demands.



Although I was really resting, after two months of incessant adrenaline, because I no longer had to hide the solar cells whose reflections to government bombers could betray my position in the NubaMountains, I was getting fed up with sitting around after devouring lunches of Chinese chickens at the Samaritan's Purse compound in Yida. Can you imagine chickens being transported from China to South Sudan? Not only to this new African state, already devastated by the new war between Nuer and Dinka. To one of its least accessible destinations far north! – arefugee camp that, because of the Nuer-Dinka war, can only be reached by planes flown by humanitarian organizations. Frozen, schlepped on ships and plaes half way around the world, full of all sorts of chemicals; greasy poisonous chickens. After all those wonderful »bio and organic« millet stews, drenched with sour, natural bacteria-enriched milk from the free cows that graze on the cleanest green meadows of the new rainy season in the Nuba mountains, and the occasional meat from some lucky goat that never ate anything artificial, these Chinese chickens immediately inflated my gut.

Squatting in the toilet only made me restless – I had to get moving again, so I took the quadro-copter and transmitter and went among the 75,000 radiant pairs of eyes and healthy white teeth of the ebony-black people camping for three years now under blue UNHCR canopies in the middle of the savannah, some 60 kilometers from the first granite mountains where the bones of their ancestors rest in fertile black soil.

I knew right away that I made a mistake. They all immediately turned to stare at the white plastic bird in the hands of the white man. I kept hearing, from old and young, the words "tayyara" and "kamerat" – meaning plane and cameras in Arabic. How could they know that what they had never seen before is intended to fly and record pictures? As old acquaintances nodded encouragingly and greeted me the way they do only in Sudan, only a few gaped in disbelief,and asked me what that object in my hand was.

They had found out, from relatives visiting Yida from the mountains, looking for millet to take back to the mountains for the old and the sick, that this is Tomo Kuku, the "khawaja" (stranger) who had brought cameras and trained volunteers even before the start of the new war in January 2011. They know that there are now more, many Tomo Kukus there, and that they are now taking pictures with »cameras that fly« - to document the war, with video footage and documentary movies, to try to persuade the international community to try to stop the genocide using drones, as the UN already dies in Congo.

They all wanted a demonstration, asking: »How does it work?« But I did not dare to fly the copter into the sky, because my inner voice kept warning me that I might attract the Dinka, who control the territory around the refugee camp, and don't allow any pictures even from the ground. Or I might attract some low-lying Nuer, if any were not yet driven away or killed since the start of the war between the two majority tribes in of South Sudan.

The Nuer rebels receive military help in arms from the Khartoum government and allegedly also from the US government, which shows that the US have already written off their protegeSalvaKir, president of South Sudan, who is a Dinka. Kir is now, along with this entire failed American protectorate, with its oil, good soil and geostrategically important longest river on the planet, sliding into Chinese hands, like most of former European colonies in Africa.

When I retreated from the crowds into a modest tea house, so I could leave my flying camera on the ground and run for the nearby field toilet, my fear was confirmed. As I took out my regular camera, one of the men puffing on a water-pipe lay into me:

"What's the matter?"

"Nothing is the matter", I replied peaceably.

"No! No!" - he said, with rising anger. »Stop immediately!«

I could tell, through the smoke, by the tribal scars on his forehead, that he was a Dinka. The Dinka do not allow their pictures taken at all. In their culture, as in those of other Nilotic pastoralists, it is believed that a picture takes something away. The Nuba in the mountains, as well as those in the refugee camp, have no objection to being photographed, and present themselves and pose for the camera on their own. Especially soldiers, rebels against marginalization, Arabization and forced Islamization, one of the last indigenous peoples who stand, with weapons in their hands, against the military dictatorship in Khartoum and its supporters. They pose, embracing friends, as if to immortalize themselves for the future, before they are defeated by the great conspiracy of the degenerate world that mainly worries about its relationship with China.Until the start of the Dinka-Nuer war, this growing power consumed 80 percent of the oil from both Sudans, through pipelines through the Nubamountains built by Chinese convicts in the 1990s.

I don't believe that the difference in attitude between the Dinka and the Nuba is purely cultural. There is also the fact that the Nuba have nothing to hide and so hide nothing. They are not ashamed of their misery, which retains practically none of the comforts of the so-called civilized world provided by western organizations during the nine years of ceasefire from 2002 to 2011 – except for Kalashnikovs, all-terrain vehicles and heavy artillery seized by Nuba freedom fighters in three years of attacks by the Sudanese army and government militias. All things plastic and iron have already decayed, rusted and turned back into soil in these three years of almost complete media blockade. The Nubaare left only with nature, all-present and all-powerful. The cruel nature of the Sahel, where the Sahara and the Sudd meet – the largest desert and the largest wetlands on the planet- is the best friend and only dependable protector of the Nuba. Throughout their history, the Nuba have coexited with nature, and all the more so now that they have been left to fend for themselves. In Tabanya I filmed the new elementary school, nine large huts that serve as classrooms and a small courtyard nearby with five huts for the teachers, all built only with local natural materials: clay dried in the sun, wood and straw. There are no school materials there, no chalk or paper. Everything was built through solidarity, by local volunteers, during festivities with millet beer and stew, singing and dancing and general merriment, over the course of a week. I handed over to those proud, enthusiastic teachers half of the pencils, erasers, pencil sharpeners and notebooks that were collected at the Secondary School for Catering and Tourism in Ljubljana. I handed out the other half to the 6000 students, hiding from bombs and rockets in caves near the village of Tungole. They hide there, together with their parents and teachers, twelve of them, without teaching qualifications or materials, in an elementary school without a roof or walls, beneath trees under the open sky, right on the front line of the war in the northern part of the mountains. We shot a short documentary there last year, and sent it to all major non-governmental organizations, but have since received no response from any of them.

By contrast, the Dinka do have something to hide. They are heirs to the legendary »rebellion of African slaves against descendants of Arab slave hunters«, started in 1983 by the equally legendary Dr. Garang, with several like-minded supporters, the longest African war that lasted 22 years and left more than 2 million dead. Then, after South Sudan’s independence, they and the Nuer occupied the most important positions in the new ministries in Juba and stole and squandered most of the development aid coming from western organizations. For the ordinary inhabitants of the poorest and least developed state on the planet, life did not improve in any significant way. The first President of the Republic of South Sudan, SalvaKir, ruled by the only political culture that his comrades knew – the one from the old Sudan. They did not build schools or hospitals, factories or farms or plantations or infrastructure, but shelled out money on weapons, and generally on the whims of these former revolutionaries in plastic armchairs, who mainly took care of the bellies of their closest tribesmen. SalvaKir, a Dinka, ruled in a similar dictatorial manner to Omar Bashir in Khartoum. Last summer, he fired his Vice President, the Nuer tribal leader Dr. RiekMachar. At that point, even those in the West who forgot how Bashir exploited traditional tribal rivalries and who ignored the possibility that he would try to take back what he gave up in bad faith, realized that the problem of Sudan had not been solved bya peace agreement – the Comprehensive Peace Agreement that opened the way to separation - in which the ethnic Africans in Darfur, the Nuba Mountains, Blue Nile and Abyei were not represented at all.

The Nuer have even more to hide. In 1994, during the long civil war, they betrayed, under the leadership of RiekMachar, their brothers in arms in the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) and sided with the government in Khartoom, which almost destroyed the liberation movement. Because they controlled the routes from south Sudan into the Nuba Mountains, where many joined the SPLA under the charismatic Nuba leader YousifKuwa, the half-naked Nuer soldiers blocked access to the mountains even to us, activists and journalists. Because of the hostile Nuer under Machar, the Nubamountains with their innocent natives were practically completely besieged and locked in from all sides, until the temporary ceasefire was signed in 2002. The Arabs – sudanise who beliewe they are Arabs - controlled not only the routes from the north but also the airspace, as they still do. How many times have we trembled in fear of ground-to-air missiles from Arab garrisons, as we transported aid from the Kenyan border in small hired planes, and of Russian-made Antonov bombers that threatened to kill us from the air. Everything is as it was in the previous war – except that technology has developed further, so that now, because of our volunteer photographers and cameramen, the whole world knows about the genocide.But the suffering of the indigenous people continues unabated, as if there were a law of nature which demands that they should all either die out, and the sooner the better, or retreat to Yida, where they will become accustomed, like the rest of us, to a life of money and profit, comfort and entertainment.

Of course, the ones who have the most to hide are the Arabs. For example, they hide their support in weapons to Machar's Nuer against Kir's Dinka in South Sudan. Every morning In June in the Nubamountains, a government Antonov flew above us to the South, without bombing us. The Nuba are convinced that it transports and drops weapons to the Nuer in Mayom, so that with Arab help they will retake Bentiu, the administrative center of oil-rich Unity state that has already changed control twice. After they last took Bentiu in April, the Nuer, trained and equipped with Arab weapons, killed more than 400 Darfurians and Nubain the oilfields ofHiglig, on the still-undefined border between the Sudans and less than 100 kilometers from the nearest mountains, according to sources in the local UN base. The Nuba are convinced that Arabs, by supporting the Nuer and with their help, are attempting to cut off theNuba Mountains, Darfur and Blue Nile from the South as well, with the aim of implementing the “final solution” for Sudan’s African population. Then they would divide the oil fields of the collapsing Republic of South Sudan anew, in partnership with the Nuer at the expense of the Dinka.

The Russians also have things to hide. They are selling Antonovs and MIGs to Bashir's junta and looking for ways of returning to Africa, which they left after the end of the cold war, after competing for influence with the Americans in every decolonized state and every mining operation during the Soviet Union era.

The Americans also hide things. Both in the previous and in the new war, USAID and the CIA supported both the Arabs in the North and the African rebels in the South of Sudan. Similarly, they now support both the Nuer and the Dinka. Oil was discovered in Sudan in 1977 by the American Chevron corporation …

We Europeans also hide things. Through our silence we tacitly support Omar Bashir. We hide what we did in colonial times and what we are doing in Africa now. Read about the kind of anthropology and other »mythologies« with which European colonial lobbies justified to their taxpayers their not much better treatment of Africans than the Arabs still practice, in Sven Lindqvist's book: »Exterminate All the Brutes«. (“Kill the slave with the slave!”)

UN agencies also hide things. For example, they hide the real reason why UNHCR does not allow humanitarian organizations willing to come to the aid of refugees in Yida to set up operations there. More than 40.000 children in this camp are growing up without any support from a school of any kind. Why are only Médecins Sans Frontières allowed to provide healthcare? Why doesn't the World Food Programme give out food stamps anymore? Why does it try, in this and every other way, to get the Nuba refugees from the camp in Yida to the new Jam Jam camp 100 kilometers to the East, where movements of refugees and SPLA-North fighters to and from the mountains will be monitored and prevented by Bashir's soldiers and Janjaweed from the government garrison in Talodi, south of the mountains near the border. The refugees are sure that what is behind this persecution is corruption. (See the interview with the camp director at www.TomoKrižnar.com.)

Among the strong, the Chinese are hiding the least, openly letting on that they are not interested in basic human rights, and keep supplying Bashir, for all to see, with military equipment in exchange for oil. If anyone, then the Chinese can contribute to peace in both Sudans because they already have a stronger presence than the Americans and Europeans combined in both, and are the most interested in keeping the oil flow to their part of the world.





For all these players, with claws buried deep into this unlucky part of the world, Omar Bashir remains the best man under the Sudanese sun to reliably control the safe flow of oil from Sudan, and pipeline maintenance contracts signed by corporations based in the European Union – regardless of what his military and security services are doing with protesters in Sudan trying to bring about a Sudanese version of the Arab springs. Among other »measures against the Jewish conspiracy«, Bashir legalized the Janjaweed in spring, although he kept claiming, during all the years of war in Darfur, that he could not control them, as if they were stealing, incinerating, slaughtering and raping on their own. The Janjaweed (»devils on horses« in Arabic), rural road bandits mainly from tribes in Darfur that consider themselves Arabic, are being joined by increasing numbers of mercenaries from Nigeria, Chad, Niger, Mali and the whole of Sahel, because of the consequences of climatic changes that result in the increasing desperation of millions of refugees who have lost the water and pasture for their animals, and because of the increasingly successful al Qaeda propaganda that everything is the fault of the white people in the industrialized world beyond the Sahara and the Mediterranean Sea. Bashir gave the Janjaweed the status of special security forces, Rapid Support Forces (RSF), and set them on the people of the Nuba mountains in the last dry season, with heavy military hardware and slogans of jihad. The Nuba freedom fighters, who now call themselves SPLA North, also claim to have identified some Tuaregs among their prisoners of war, previously fighting for Gaddafi, with French and British heavy weapons.

Apart from some criticism from generals of the regular Sudanese army, to the effect that he was handing over the defense of the country to foreigners, Bashir's move had no noteworthy consequences for him. He suppressed this antagonism in his own ranks by handing over to the RSF the security of the whole of Khartoum. Bashir obviously trusts foreign mercenaries more than the national army, in which there are many Darfurians and Nuba, who have for many years felt less and less inclined to kill and exterminate their own people.

The RSF have become a super-structure of the Janjaweed, their central command, perfectly integrating them into Sudanese security structures. According to Sudanese laws, they cannot be prosecuted for any crimes committed »while on duty«. The last report of the Enough Project claims that the RSF is connected with wider regional plundering networks active in the Central Africa Republic and the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of Congo. The Enough Project mainly made its name with help because of John Pendergast experience and authority and from George Clooney and his Satellite Sentinel Project which, together with the US Ministry of Defense, the FBI and the CIA monitors movements of military units in the oil fields in both Sudans.

Bashir's gang does everything to stay in power and remain part of the wider international conspiracy to grab the natural resources in the heart of Africa, by driving out indigenous populations, in any way possible. This new division of the loot is also apparent in Darfur, where conditions for the civilian population are now as was during the war that began in 2003. Foreign mercenaries are doing what they please. The Darfur war did not end with the Abuja peace agreement of May 2006. The reason is the moral weakness of the leadership of the two main factions of the Sudan Liberation Army (SLA) of MinniMinawi and Abdel Wahid,and the absence of the Darfur rebels of the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM). Last year, JEM and SPLA-North, organizedin an alliance called the Sudanese Revolutionary Front (SRF), advanced on Khartoum, but were stopped by the Sudanese army and retreated to the NubaMountains. JEM then moved across the international border to Bahr el Ghazal.

Old colonial borders are growing weak. New geostrategic alliances are forming also in Africa. The global media is almost silent on this.



When elephants fight, the grass suffers, says an African proverb. Similar knots of causes and consequences have exterminated indigenous peoples in both Americas, Australia, on Pacific islands and in the far North of the planet, practically everywhere around the globe. In the current political circumstances, theindigenous of both Sudans, with their indigeniousidentity and aboriginal values, do not have much chance of survival.

This is why, in a world which obviously does not feature any noble knights anymore, ready to really stand up in defense of unprotected victims, we now call for help to those who are not hiding anythingand are obviously innocent. Help with flying machines, larger, of course, and more powerful than ours, which we have been using mainly to test whether the native people will accept them. Not drones with missiles, used to kill real or imagined terrorists in Afghanistan, Pakistan, Somalia, Yemen and Sudan too, but ones with cameras. Most members of JEM are convinced that their founder, Dr. Ibrahim Khalil, was killed in the night of Christmas two years ago with a missile from a drone because he did not consent to work for foreighninterests in Sudan, but insisted on defending only the interests of his people in Darfur. We advocate the use of the kind of drones that the Americans offered for finding the Nigerian schoolgirls kidnapped by the Islamic fundamentalists of Boko Haram. The Nigerian government turned the offer down, suspecting that foreign »humanitarians« would exploit them for their own interests in this oil-rich African country. We advocate the use of the surveillance drones that have being used since last December by the American team of the UN Monusco stabilization mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo, as my wife Bojana and I found out in an interview with the Brazilian general, Carlos Alberto dos Santos Cruz, who commands the mission and who told us that the drones help to control criminal gangs hiding behind various rebel groups in the coltan fields.

Why drones in the Democratic Republic of Congo, and not in South Sudan, at the border in Nuba Mountains, Blue Nile, Abyei and Darfur?

Why drones to protect elephants in the reservations of South Africa from poachers, but not to protect indigenous peoples?



Since we began to experiment with miniature drones in January last year, fightingnumerous technical difficulties, nobody in the Nuba mountains was ever against video recording from the sky.

With four drones, we recorded, from various heights, villages in the mountains and valleys, market places, churches and mosques, fields and people in them. We recorded festivities for the sowing and growing of sorghum, when relatives and neighbors from far and near gather together, each wanting to help with what needs to be done as soon as the first drops of moisture of the new rainy season fall and the soil in the Nuba mountains offers itself to hard-working hands, the way a wife ready for love offers herself to a husband. We recorded celebrations of harvesting and reaping the modest produce, grown last year with relatively few casualties,despiteincessant bombing and missile attacks, because theNuba have learned to hide in foxholes and caves the moment a government plane approaches.

Not even the commander in chief of SPLA North, Abdel Aziz el Hilo, had anything against our video recording from the sky. He is one of the very few who have nothing to hide.



Abdel Aziz is Darfurian on his father'sside, and Nuba on his mother's. Born in the Nuba Mountains, he studied in Khartoum but joined the SPLA’s uprising as soon as it began in 1983. The original reason was for the rebellion was southerners’ unwillingness to serve in the Sudanese armed forces, where young soldiers were abized just as we Slovenes in former Yugoslavia were subjected to Yugoslavization through conscription into military units in other republics. Commander Abdel Aziz was in charge of some of the most critical tasks in the SPLA – first logistics in the Red Hills of eastern Sudan, then, in 2001, the leadership of the Nuba Mountains, in accordance with the wishes of YousifKuwa, who chose him as his deputy before his death.



I met Abdel Aziz in August of that year in the NubaMountains, as he was carrying rocks to a landing strip, together with several hundred locals, in order to reinforce it for the first landing of the rainy season. He stated then that he would follow the path of liberation in an honorable manner, as laid out by Kuwa. In February 2002 he agreed on ceasefire agreement with the government in Khartoum that was persuaded to do so by the Americans after 9-11, because of Bin Laden, who lived in Sudan until 1996 and established the first cells of Al-Qaida in this most fundamentalist Islamic state. Afterwards, he was Minister of transportation in the Sudanese government, but later resigned and retreated to Canada because he felt powerless. He returned to Nuba Mountains on the eve of the new war as deputy governor of South Kordofan province, which the local people asked him to become because of the growing tensions. In January 2011, I had the chance to see Aziz in the mountains with governorAhmad Harun, the man most responsible for the genocide in Darfur and subsequently Minister of State for Humanitarian Affairs, sent by Bashir to the mountains in order to continue doing what he did »best«. I can testify that Aziz did everything to prevent Harun from provoking a new war even when the authorities in Khartoum rigged the elections for the governor of South Kordofan in May 2011, re-electing Harun again instead of him.

Today, Aziz is not only the leader of the Nuba rebels, but also the military leader of the entire SRF. This alliance includes the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA North) from Nuba Mountains and Blue Nilebad, the Sudan Liberation Army (SLA) of Minnawi and Wahid, and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) of dr. Gibril from Darfur. JEM accuses Aziz of failing to unify the SRF alliance. Aziz himself told me last month that he came into conflict with JEM because he tried to convince dr. Gibril to prevent his soldiers from plundering and raping the way the Arabs do, since that sort of behavior will not lead to any kind of improvement even if the effort to change the government of Sudan succeeds. That is why JEM is looking for a replacement for Aziz.

And that is another reason things are not looking good for the indigenous people. Aziz is the only one that I know of in SRF that respects them.

The Sudan government thinks that the Nuba will eventually surrenderratherlike animals that eventually give in to the willpower of a superior human. But the Nuba are not animals. They are not gorillas that occasionally speak a little Arabic, as I was assured by those in Sudan that consider themselves Arabs because of economic interests and cooperation with Arab countries beyond the Red Sea. The Nuba are not insects, as Omar Bashir calls them.They took a democratic vote on whether to surrender or fight years ago, when conditions were every bit as bad as they are today, and they voted, overwhelmingly not to surrender. Their will to resist in undiminished.

The Nuba know very well what the Arab tribes have in for them, hospitably received as they were by their ancestors, as their culture requires to behave with foreigners, and allowed them to settle in Bilad el Aswad – Arabic for »black people's country«.They have had enough! They don't want to be slaves anymore, nor do they want anyone to force Sharia law on them, even though most Nuba are muslim through their fathers, like to speak Arabic and lovethe Arab culture along with the remains of animist colture that determine their identity. Each year they realize more and more what the insidious Arabization has done to them, introduced - following the Nazi logic of "Ein Land, Ein Volk, Ein Führer" - by three Arab tribes from the North immediately after the colonial British left Sudan.

The Nuba are again proud of being Nuba. They are also not ashamed anymore of the nudity of their ancestors, immortalized after World War II in photographs by GeorgeRodger, Leni Riefenstahl and Antonio Cores. They no longer believe that they were not really human until they dressed themselves. The Nuba are dignified, jovial, vigorous people of their very own kind. They are not spoiled – which is why they are hard to bribe. Both Muslims and Christians in the mountains believe that that is how God made them. Animists, as well as those few that were educated in South Sudan, Kenya, Uganda, Europe and America, believe that they are different from all other people on the earth because of the values, prescribed by ancient Nuba a thousand years before Christ, when they ruled the entire Nile valley from the Mediterranean to the great lakes in what is now Uganda.

»We have recognized what has value and what does not«, affirmed the shining young faces in SPLA North uniforms, returning to the mountains after their studies. Although conditions have never been more difficult and more dangerous, I met more of the returnystudents this year than in all previous years. The weakNuba just gave in and now attack the SPLA Nuba, dressed in uniforms of the Sudanese army and the Janjaweed. The morally strong remain and kindle hope and trust in the rest of humanity.



I flew our drone in the refugee camp in Yida the next day, after obtaining permission from the representative of the refugees, Jacob Kaloka, and the local police chief, Adam Abraham , a Dinka. I was flying over the market, which is supplied by refugees from Darfur, when a thin Dinka stepped from the crowd of curious onlookers and protested »who gave you permission?« I told him. He got upset. »This is not enough!«. With help from one of the policemen, he forced me into the only brick building in the camp, where he demanded that Adam Abraham arrest me. He presented himself as a security guard from Juba. He said that he had been in Washington and was acting this way on behalf of the people who are paying him to do so.

He did not succeed. Adam let me get my luggage from Samaritans Purse and onto their plane that was already waiting on the runway.



Yes,I do not trustmost ofthe establishedglobal institutions. I feel, they are under control of the main dominant world paradigm and its gurus, worshipers and soldiers. I think it is wrong to wait them to change what obviousslyshuld be changed a long time ago.

But yes, I do believe in humanity. I have gained respect for the human kind of life on earth in my travels around the world. My trust in people comes not only from books and the media, but also from direct experience in meeting fellow humans all over the globe. Not only in peaceful and developed places, but also in areasofwarandcrises.

On the sacrificial altars of the world, whereweare allsacrificing, thattheworldcanremain as it is.

Especially on altarswherewe are allsacrificingthe most inocentofall – theindigeniouspeople -I becameeven more aware of the values of solidarity.

I believethatwecoomonpeoplewillhelpthe victims if weseethemdie.

Machinery musthelp people, not kill them!

That is why I work to get those who can to send drones with camerasoverbothSudans.Pleasereact. Pleasehelp. Pleasedonateforproductionofournewdocumentary film »DronesoverNuba«Let's tellallin this film.

Tomo Križnar. September 17th, 2014

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